Archive for October, 2007

李柱銘在《華爾街日報》的文章原文

文章原文

李柱銘在《華爾街日報》的文章原文﹕

 【明報專訊】China’s Olympic Opportunity

By MARTIN LEE

October 17, 2007; Page A18

When President George W. Bush accepted President Hu Jintao’s invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, Mr. Bush’s press secretary said that he was going to the Games as “a sports fan, not to make any political statement.” I too am a great sports fan — especially of the Soccer World Cup — but I would encourage President Bush to take a broader vision of the possibilities for the Beijing Games. He should use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.

This should be possible, since Chinese leaders have promised to make these improvements anyway. In their pledges to the International Olympic Committee while bidding for the Games and since, China’s leaders at all levels repeatedly assured the world that they would use the Games to go beyond improving the country’s physical infrastructure.

“By applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city’s development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights,” one of China’s key Olympic figures, Deputy Mayor Liu Jingmin, told the Washington Post in 2001. Then, Mr. Liu said, “If people have a target like the Olympics to strive for, it will help us establish a more just and harmonious society, a more democratic society, and help integrate China into the world.”

I couldn’t agree more. But instead of the hoped-for reforms, the Chinese government appears to be backsliding on its promises, including in Hong Kong where we have near total political paralysis, not the promised road to full democracy. That is no reason to give up on the prospects for reform in China. But it is reason to step up the direct engagement on these pressing issues.

In accepting the invitation to attend China’s Games, President Bush said this would be “a moment where China’s leaders can use the opportunity to show confidence by demonstrating a commitment to greater openness and tolerance.” Instead of a “moment” of change, China needs structural and long-term reforms: placing the Communist Party under the rule of law, unshackling the media and Internet, allowing religious adherents to freely practice their faiths, ceasing harassment of civil-society groups that work on AIDS and the environment, and addressing modest calls for accountability in the political system. Mr. Bush and other world leaders planning to attend the Olympics should not wait for the opening ceremony, but must start now with sustained efforts to achieve this agenda.

One reason for optimism about the possibilities for progress in China is recent Olympic history. When South Korea bid for the 1988 Games, the country was a military dictatorship. Due in good part to the prospects for embarrassment and international engagement, the Olympics helped kick off an overdue peaceful political transformation in South Korea just six months before the launch of the Seoul Games. Since then, South Korea has endured as one of Asia’s most stable and vital democracies. The parallels between South Korea and China are not exact, but the lesson is that the Olympics certainly present an opening to raise these issues in the context of the Chinese government’s own promises.

In the U.S. and elsewhere, there are campaigns to boycott the Beijing Games over the Chinese government’s trade with and support for regimes in Sudan and Burma. As a Chinese person, I would encourage backers of these efforts to consider the positive effects Olympic exposure could still have in China, including scrutiny by the world’s journalists. This is certainly the time for Chinese leaders to step up and constructively use their clout in Asia and Africa. In so doing, Beijing should open a new chapter of responsible foreign policy and convince the world it is not oblivious to these issues.

Chinese people around the world are proud that China will host the Games. China has the world’s fastest growing economy, and may indeed put on history’s most impressive Olympic Games next August. But how does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law?

It is my hope that the Games could have a catalytic effect on the domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese government, and that the Chinese people will remember the Games long after they are held — not merely for medals won, but also because they were a turning point for human rights and the rule of law in China. That would be something worth cheering.

Mr. Lee is a democratically elected legislator and the founding chairman of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party.

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Rail Vehicle Dynamics

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香港特首就文革和民主的言論

 

香港特首就文革和民主的言論道歉

曾�權(香港電台圖片12/10/2007)

曾蔭權出席電台節目是要討論他剛發表的《施政報告》。

香港行政長官曾蔭權周六(13日)就其發表的文化大革命與民主的言論表示道歉。

香港行政長官辦公室發表的聲明說:”行政長官曾蔭權就昨日(10月12日)在電台訪問中有關文化大革命的言論,發表以下聲明:”

“昨日我在電台訪問中,有關文化大革命的言論是不恰當的。對此,我深感抱歉,並收回有關言論。”

“香港市民深知民主之可貴,期望盡早落實普選。我和大家有著共同的期望。”

“我重申我會信守施政報告中的承諾,在任期內,盡最大努力解決普選問題。”

文革喻民主

曾蔭權在星期五香港電台英文台的一個節目中說:”當人民走到極端,就會出現文化大革命……當人民掌握所有東西時,你就無法管治那地方。”

香港行政長官辦公室(特首辦)在事後解釋說,曾蔭權的意思是要制定一套適合香港的普選方案,並進一步提升官職質數和管治模式。

香港多份暢銷報紙星期六都以顯著篇幅報道了曾蔭權的言論以及各界回應。

雖然親北京的《大公報》和香港《文匯報》也有報道曾蔭權的文革言論,但沒有進一步作出評論

特首挨批

親民主派的《蘋果日報》在周六頭版以”煲呔壞腦”為標題,並配以曾蔭權打扮成紅衛兵的漫畫。

報道說,曾蔭權借用”十年浩劫”的文化大革命踐踏民主制度,指極端民主會帶來文革式的局面,破壞政府管治。

報道續稱,曾蔭權說完這句話後,節目主持更正指出文革不是極端民主的例子,反遭曾蔭權反駁,曾蔭權堅持說那就是極端民主的定義。

《蘋果日報》的報道引述了多位民主派議員對曾蔭權言論的批評,也指出親政府的自由黨和親北京的民建聯都跟曾蔭權的言論”劃清界線”。

財經報章《信報》報道說,親北京的左派人士普遍迴避評論,例如民建聯主席譚耀宗、中國全國政協常委陳永棋和政協委員劉蘅強都說沒有聽完或沒有聽過曾蔭權的言論。

“引喻失義”

文革是一個專制皇帝的號召下一場瘋狂的運動……證明曾蔭權對文革的瞭解還未到位。

李大同
《中國青年報》高級編輯

多家報章都引述了政界人士和學者批評曾蔭權”引喻失義”的回應,也回顧了”四人幫”倒台後北京對事件的定調。

同屬一個報系的《東方日報》和《太陽報》用上辛辣的標題作出報道。兩家的標題分別是”煲呔口臭文革當民主”和”辱港人智慧不配當特首”。

這兩份報刊的報道引述了中國著名文學家老舍的兒子舒乙說:”他(曾蔭權)沒有經歷過文革的風暴,完全不理解這件事情,這麼說是極其錯誤的判斷。”

此外,多家香港報章都引用了曾經當過紅衛兵的北京《中國青年報》高級編輯李大同的回應。

李大同說:”文革是一個專制皇帝的號召下一場瘋狂的運動……這證明曾蔭權對文革的瞭解還未到位。”

政治災難

《星島日報》引述中文大學政治學者蔡子強說,曾蔭權的言論跟香港前保安局局長葉劉淑儀當年宣傳國家安全立法時說”希特勒由民主選出來”一樣,具災難性效果。

紅衛兵在毛澤東肖像前列隊(黑白資料圖片)

今次事件再次說明瞭香港真的要認真辦好國民教育,並且應由特首開始。

香港《明報》社論

英文《南華早報》的社論認為,曾蔭權把文革等同於民主,教人們嚴重質疑他對普選和政制改革的認知。

《明報》的報道提及曾蔭權早些時候會見一批中學會考學生時,曾經披露當年自己應考時,世界歷史和中國文學兩科都是不合格。

《明報》的社評說:”我們擔心身為特區政府之首的曾蔭權對國家的認識與瞭解尚且如此無知,其他官員又會達到什麼水平呢?”

“今次事件再次說明瞭香港真的要認真辦好國民教育,並且應由特首開始。”

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